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Bob McMillanAn Opinion

By Bob McMillan
Presidents v. The Supreme Court

The recent political chatter about “Obamacare” before the Supreme Court of the United States got a great deal of media attention.  President Obama added fuel to the fire when he declared, “Ultimately, I am confident the Supreme Court will not take what would be an unprecedented, extraordinary step of overturning a law that was passed by a strong majority of a democratically elected Congress.”

For someone who was a law professor those words were absurd.  Even if a bill passed unanimously in the house and senate, it could still be overturned – if the law was in violation of the Constitution.

Michael Miller


By Michael Miller
1959: The Year The Music Stopped Playing

Nelson Rockefeller’s nomination for Governor in 1958 was partly an upstate revolt against the continued domination of party affairs by the Nassau Republican organization. Rockefeller was a man who always had bigger fish to fry, and throughout his almost 15 years as governor, he often went out of his way not to step on the toes of the touchy Nassau GOP. That’s why Nassau is the only large New York county without a state office building. Respect the turf.

Just before taking office, Rockefeller announced that State Senator William Hults would be Commissioner of Motor Vehicles, but not until the end of the 1959 legislative session, so that Glen Cove, North Hempstead, Oyster Bay and a sliver of Hempstead wouldn’t lose their Senate representation until 1960.

Mike BarryEye on the Island

By Mike Barry
The Eccentric Heiress Of ‘Empty Mansions’

The Nassau County district attorney’s (DA) office makes a cameo appearance in Empty Mansions, an incredible book about Huguette Clark (1906-2011), the Manhattan-raised heiress whose generosity and eccentricities were legendary.

Now that Ryan Murphy, a creator of television’s “Glee,” has optioned Empty Mansions’ film rights, I imagine a scrum of top actresses are vying to play Clark.

Imperative To Act On Taxes

U.S. Rep. Colfax saw the problems

in our tax system 150 years ago

The first English to plant themselves on Western Long Island brought property taxes with them. The Dutch didn’t leave us much in the way of culture or government, except for some words (cookie!). Medieval English tax systems, they stuck. A little later in the 17th century, colonial New York’s earliest property tax assessment laws actually borrowed language from England’s “Saladin Tythe” of 1188, used to pay for one of the crusades. Some of these concepts survive intact in our property tax system to this day.

Yes, the land taxes that we pay to fund our schools and local governments are pretty much the same taxes that so annoyed Robin Hood and his gang.

The advantage of taxing land was that it was right there where everyone could see it, it couldn’t be carried away, and it was a stable, dependable and roughly accurate measure of wealth. Then the Industrial Revolution messed it all up.

“I cannot go home and tell my constituents that I voted for a bill that would allow a man, a millionaire, who has put his entire property into stocks, to be exempt from taxation, while a farmer who lives by his side must pay a tax.” These are the words of Rep. Schuyler Colfax who appears in that Lincoln movie as Speaker of the House and was later Vice President.

The meaning and measure of wealth have always been moving targets. For most of the time that there’s been a New York, up to 1933, New Yorkers were assessed on both “real property” (land and buildings) and tangible “personal property.” At various times, personal property included cattle, horses, corporate stocks, slaves and furniture. One property tax was geared toward farmers and the other toward merchants and businessmen. Today, New York is one of seven states that does not directly tax some form of personal property, such as automobiles.    

During the last Depression, in the 1930s, New York state taxes were restructured to recognize conditions on the ground. State real and personal property taxes were out, gasoline taxes were in, income taxes were up, and more. We’ve never fixed the problems with local land taxes, though a few governors came close. The current growing crisis is the first time that debate over the nature of property taxation has been virtually shut down and taken off the table. A few bills that would start to shift our revenue stream toward taxes based more on the ability to pay languish without attention in the state legislature.

Consider this actual situation. House A has an official market value of $788,600 and $13,702 is assessed in total property taxes. On the other side of the same block, House B is valued at $784,600, almost exactly the same. Same original housing development. Same paint job even. Same unincorporated neighborhood, but not the same school district. House B owes $18,515. House A is in a very high property wealth district. House A’s district will slowly pull away from House B’s district.

Red flags are cropping up. For thousands of Long Island households, 401(k)s are a catastrophe. The Dow is at a record high, national household income is at a decade low. Other flags: We need fiscal emergency preparedness, but instead politicians do dances.

At a certain income point significantly above the county median, some people do pretty well in the current system.

From March 2008 through March 2013, candidates for Nassau County Executive received $1.53 million just from individuals writing checks for $10,000 or more. Could you take a five-figure check from someone and then tell them we need tax reform that might mean they pay a little more? Could you?